12.3.11

Patrice Lumumba:An African liberation leader for our times


Patrice Lumumba:An African liberation leader for our times

“We are proud of this struggle, of tears, of fire, and of blood, to the depths of our being, for it was a noble and just struggle, and indispensable to put an end to the humiliating slavery which was imposed upon us by force.”

The Belgians expected mild-mannered obedience from their colonial subjects, but Patrice Lumumba confronted them directly. 

People from the 1960’s will remember that the Philippines sent a air force unit in Congo in the so-called mandate from the United Nations. The same way, the Philippine armed forces sent troops to intervene in Korea and other places like East Timor and Israel-Beirut borders.

Freedom fighter and nationalist leader Patrice Lumumba was assassinated by imperialist forces 50 years ago Jan. 17. Along with Lumumba, the post-independence aspirations of the Congolese people for a unified, economically independent Congo were also crushed, although his example continues to inspire revolutionaries around the world.

The region now known as the Congo was a Belgian colony called the Congo Free State from 1885 to 1908, and the Belgian Congo from 1908 to 1960. Independence in 1960 was followed by civil war and an intervention by the United Nations to bring peace—a story all too familiar to us in 2011.

In the midst of this grave crisis, a great leader emerged from the struggle for liberation. His name was Patrice Lumumba. The Belgians expected mild mannered obedience from their colonial subjects. However, after being elected Prime Minister, Patrice Lumumba gave a fiery speech confronting the Belgian colonialists directly, sending shockwaves throughout the imperialist camp.

Fearless Leader

The fearlessness of Lumumba in confronting the enemies of the people head-on and articulating an alternative vision captured the imaginations of scores of the newly independent Congolese. When other leaders buckled under intense pressure, Lumumba was bold and decisive. It was these leadership qualities in addition to his insistence on unconditional self-determination that made him the target of a Western-led assassination plot.

Although some of the details are still murky, we know that the United States played a role in the volatile atmosphere that led to the murder of Lumumba. We also know that the Central Intelligence Agency had planned to neutralize the Congolese leader.

His body was burned  by a special Belgian mercenary troops and can never not be found. Like other African leader like Captain Sankara and other national liberation struggle figures, the colonialist and their puppets wants to get rid of their bodies so people cannot make symbols of them.

After Lumumba's death, the Congo quickly disintegrated into competing regional and ethnic factions. A Western-backed dictator and former confidant of Lumumba's, Mobutu Sese Seko assumed the mantle of absolute ruler in a military coup and held onto it for decades until he himself was overthrown in an insurrection years later. 

In his life, Lumumba was a soldier in the cause of unity and social progress. He developed his leadership and organizational skills as a trade unionist, educator and writer. In the midst of a world revolution against colonialism, Lumumba became increasingly involved in the anti-colonial struggles of his own country.

Anti Imperialist

Lumumba was compelled by the global political environment to create a radical nationalist party which promoted national unity and economic sovereignty. He was also deeply influenced by pan-Africanist ideals and attended the All-African People's Conference in Accra, Ghana, hosted by revolutionary leader, Kwame Nkrumah.

The assassination of Lumumba created a crisis that the Congo has not yet overcome. In the absence of his leadership, imperialists were able to take advantage of internal divisions and their close relations with Mobutu to steal resource wealth and build a staging base for counterrevolution in Central Africa. The Congo is now a neo-colonial state serving the exclusive interests of multinational corporations and financial institutions.

Meanwhile, millions of Congolese people have died in conflicts over land and resources. Instead of the vision Lumumba once represented, the Congolese have turned toward ethno-nationalist or millenarian religious movements to defend their families and survive. Civil wars and brutal upsurges for ethnic or religious “purity” have replaced the national and popular anti-colonial movements that once inspired progressives and revolutionaries worldwide.

On the 50th anniversary of Patrice Lumumba's assassination, we must remember the principles and exemplary leadership model he provided for contemporary struggles in the Congo and Africa in general. The parallels between the moment of crisis in the early 60's and now are inescapable.

To resolve the current leadership crisis, new visionaries and organizations must emerge from popular working-class movements rejecting neo-colonialism and offering a transcendent vision of economic sovereignty and national unity. There are already efforts throughout Africa to unite the working class and inspire a new generation of leaders to challenge comprador elites and unite people across regional and ethnic differences.

We honor our martyrs in the cause of liberation best when new cadres join the struggle against imperialism. Long live the legacy of Patrice Lumumba! The torch he and other freedom fighters lit will never be extinguished!

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11.3.11

Mga Huling Hakbang

Mga Huling Hakbang
( Paalam kay Mang Peping)
 
Inihatid ka naming sa altar,
Kami ang iyong mga kasama
Sa pakikibaka,
ngunit iilan na lang kami
Na nagsimula nito,
Ngunit nakatutuwa na puno
Ang simbahan mula likod
Hanggang altar,
Maiikli ang mga yapak nila…
Sila na mga kawal at gerilya
 “Pinadakilang henerasyon” ng Amerika…
Mga bayani ng Ikalawang Digmaan,
At pakikidigma para sa “Equity”…
Hindi na sila makapagmartsa,
Wala na ang dingal at tikas
Dahil hutok na ang mga likod,
Pagod na ang mga paa,
Hindi na makahinga ang ilan,
Ngunit kailangan maihatid
ka kahit man lang sa altar.

Hindi ito ang dambana ng kagitingan
Na iyong dinalaw dalwang taon
Na ang nakakaraan,
Ang dating bundok na ipinagtanngol
Sa Bataan
Ngunit para isuko lamang,
Dahil sa utos mga mabunying
Puting heneral
Na walang kayang ilaban,
Hindi kayang ipagtangol
Ang Bataan dahil hindi nila
Ito inang bayan.

Ngunit walang dangal ang pagsuko
Kaya Death March ang inabot
Ng mga talunan,
Naligtasan mo ito
Kahit lumakad ka ng
Mahigit daang kilmetro
At nabilanngo sa Capas
At nailistang patay kahit buhay,
Maikli ang iyong hakbang
Ngunit tiyak
Dahil patuloy kang lumaban
Ngunit hindi ito ang iyong
Huling mga hakbang,
Mas malalaki pang hakbang
Ang iyong hinarap sa kapayapaan…
Ipinaglaban mo ang iyong karapatan
Agn karapatan ng iyong lahi,
Ang iyong mga kasamahan,
Kapwa beterano at kababayan
Na hindi pala beterano ng Amerika
Kayat ayaw bayaran at parangalan.

Humakbang ka mula daang Temple
Hanggang sa Kapitolyo ng Amerika,
Sa mga kalsada ng LA at Sacramento,
San Diego Utrecht at Amsterdam,
libong mga picket at rali,
Sa mga kampanya sa eleksyon,
Pagrehistro ng mga botante,
Para maitaguyod ang karapatan
Ng pamayanang Pilipino-Amerikano.

Sa mga huling hakbang
Mula sa simbahan hanggang
Sa iyong paglalagakan,
Hinatid ka naming Mang Peping,
Faustino Baclig—guro, kasama,
Commander, lider ng mga beterano,
ng  komunidad at ng Pilipinas,
ng Amerika…
Isang huling saludo,
Pugay sandata!
Pagpupugay…

Ang huling utos sa kanila:
“Tikas pahinga”.
At PAALAM!

Marso 05, 2011

THE PROSPECTS FOR PEACE IN MINDANAO

THE PROSPECTS FOR PEACE IN MINDANAO

( This was the speech  delivered at the Cross Cultural Center, UCSD. February 25, 2011 on the 25th Anniversary of EDSA 1 People's Power Revolution)

First, I would like to thank the Cross Cultural Center of the University of San Diego and the KmB-San Diego for inviting me for the commemoration the 25th anniversary of the EDSA  People's Power revolution of 1986.

It is proper to commemorate the event because after the EDSA revolution of 1986, when the dictator was overthrown in a combination of an attempted coup and people’s uprising like in Egypt today , 2011-- It was after the EDSA revolution that the peace talks and a ceasefire between the National Democratic Front and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) started.

Unluckily, the peace talks continue on today and we  still don’t have peace in the Philippines and in Mindanao. But let me discuss first about Mindanao and the prospect of peace in the island.

Land of Promise

Mindanao is called the land of promise. The 3rd largest island in a 7,100 island chain called the Philippines, Mindanao is also the 2nd largest concentration of Filipino population with 30 million out of the 90 million people. More than 5 million are Islamized Moros and native Lumads.

There are 28 provinces in Mindanao divided into 6 regions. 56% of Philippines forest cover is in this island. 70% of the people are Christian settlers who were settled by American colonialist since the 1920’s.

It has 38%  of agricultural area of the republic that numbers 3.7 million hectares.  40% of the food requirement or roughly 30% of the national food trade is in the island. 32 of fisheries and aquatic resources is also found here. Tuna , the Philippines number one export is also here.

There are 3,954 foreign corporations in Mindanao. But 17 out of its 28 provinces are in poverty. It has four of the 12 poorest provinces. Thus war is way of life in Mindanao.

War in Mindanao

There are different armed groups that are contending in Mindanao. In 1969, the Mindanao Independence Movement (MIM ) was formed to fight Christian land grabbers. It later evolved into the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) during martial law as a reaction to the crackdown by the US-Marcos Dictatorship in 1972.

It is interesting to note, that the “Group of 100” Moro students trained in Egypt and Libya to fight for Moro self-determination and seccesion since 1972 to the present. It is well known that Muslim countries in Africa and the Middle East supported the struggle of self-determination in Mindanao ever since.

But with the insistence of Col. Gaddafi of Libya, ( where a civil unrest is going on today after the people's uprising in Egypt) the MNLF was forced to accept and implement the Tripoli Agreement in 1976. By the Tripoli Agreement of 1976, the MNLF and the Marcos government was supposed to form an Autonomous Region in Mindanao.

But Marcos used it as bludgeon and a wedge against the MNLF. He made the renegade MNLF leaders officials of his “autonomous region” and it weakened the MNLF until 1986. This resulted into the break-away  and the formation of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF)  in 1977 that continued the struggle for secession and self-determination.

In 1996, the MNLF finally lost their touch with reality when they surrendered to the US-Ramos regime and accepted a bigger pie in the Southern Philippines Development Authority  (SPDA) and opted of the integration within the system.  After the term of Ramos, the SPDA was scrapped and the MNLF vanished into oblivion.

Meanwhile the MILF grew stronger and was able to parry attacks from the successive regimes of Estrada and Arroyo .The growth of the MILF is a testimony to a home grown rebellion if supported by outside forces can suceed. The MILF negotiated a prologed ceasefire and contious talk until  a Memorandum of Understanding on Ancestral Domain ( MOA-AD) was signed in 2008.

But another conflict erupted when the Supreme Court disavowed the agreement and another war erupted in 2008.

The New People’s Army (NPA)

What makes Mindanao complicated is the presence of the New People’s Army (NPA) since 1969.  The NPA made inroads in Mindanao and expanded during the 14 years of martial law.

It was in Mindanao where the NPA  grew stronger from small guerilla fronts to what it is now, what the AFP says as “ the strategic threat to national security in the whole nation.”

Unlike the MNLF and the MILF, the NPA is not on a prolonged ceasefire with the Philippine government, It has not entered into prologed ceasefire unlike the MNLF or the MILF .

It was only in 1986 when the National Democratic Front (NDF) entered a 60-day ceasefire with the GRP. It ended with the bloody massacre in Mendiola on January 22, 1987.

The peace talks with the NDF has have stalled for more than six years since 1994. While the peace talks with the MILF has been stalled for the last two years. A prolonged ceasefire with the MILF has been in place but war is still the way of life in the island since 2009.

More than 150,000 people were killed during the height of the MNLF and the GRP conflict from `1972-1977. At least two million people were dislocated during the conflict from 2008 to the present.

Prospects for Peace

We feel the current peace talks between the new dispensation and the NDF as well with the MILF augurs well for peace and development in the Philippines and in Mindanao.

The peace talks between the NDF and the GPH started last February 17  and ended in February 21, 2011. The peace talks with MILF will start on March 29, 2011 in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.

We see as obstacles to peace are:

1) a fascist and militarist set-up in the AFP supported by the United States who demands surrender and uses the peace talks to effect his result.
2) Christian and Chauvinist element sin the religious sector and anti-Muslim element who will not compromise for peace
3) hard-liner with the movement who wants a situation of perpetual war and relative peace.

But as perpetual optimist, we believe as the parties involved specially the people of Mindanao desires peace, peace can be achieved.

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